Posts from — July 2012
M23 to Reorganize After Taking Masisi; General Lafontaine to Become Overall Commander
Sources within M23 Congolese rebels and PARECO-Union des Congolais Patriotes pour la Paix (UPCP) inform AfroAmerica Network that M23 will reorganize after taking Masisi. M23 rebel movement will dissolve into UPCP, led by General Kakulu Sikuli Vasaka Lafontaine.
The decision to dissolve M23 was taken early last week, in a meeting held in Bunagana among the M23 leaders, UPCP, and Rwandan Defense Forces top military leaders. The meeting was also attended by Antipas Mbusa Nyamwisi, the representatives of Etienne Thsisekedi’s UDPS, and top Ugandan military leaders. The reasons behind the decision to dissolve M23 into UPCP were two folds: to give M23 a Congolese image (see our article:DRC: Rwandan Defense Forces’ March On Kinshasa Has Begun of July 8, 2012) and to shed the overwhelming negative image of M23 depicted in international media, by NGOs and foreign governments. M23 rebels are generally viewed as a Rwandan proxy militia, bent on raping, looting and massacring civilians.
General Kakulu Sikuli Vasaka Lafontaine, who is from the Nande tribe, will become the overall Commander of the new combined rebel troops. His deputy will be Colonel Mboneza, from the Tutsi ethnic group. Colonel Kahasha, the current deputy to General Lafontaine and who hails from the Shi tribe that mostly reside in and around Bukavu (previous informations suggested he was also of Hema descent) will move to South-Kivu, in Bukavu and Uvira areas, to become the Commander of the troops in his native region. The fate of the current M23 rebels commander Colonel Makenga remains undetermined. Colonel Makenga was rather a choice of opportunity and the Rwandan dictator General Paul Kagame, the force behind M23 rebels, never trusted him and questioned his allegiances (see DRC: Rwandan Defense Forces’ March On Kinshasa Has Begun).
Colonel Mboneza is currently leading the combats in Mabenga, after conquering Kiwandja. He is progressing northward on his way to joining General Lafontaine.
During the Bunagana meeting, Rwandan Defense Forces leaders gave instructions to the the rebels to focus more on conquering Masisi and Walikale, making a junction from South-Kivu, to North-Kivu to Ituri and then moving westward to Maniema and beyond. For now, there is no plan to take over the town of Goma which houses MONUSCO’s headquarters.
After the Bunagana meeting, Rwandan Defense Forces supplied more troop reinforcements along with heavy and modern weaponries and communication equipments to the Congolese rebels. Ugandan Military leaders lent 8 trucks to Mbusa Nyamwisi to carry his troops. Etienne Tshisekedi’s representatives promised to ready their militants for an uprising in Kinshasa when the moment comes.
Early this week, Mbusa Nyamwisi’s additional troops started crossing from Uganda into the Democratic Republic of the Congo along with hundreds of Ugandan Defense Forces troops. According to the sources, Mbusa Nyamwisi has been staying in Kampala for the last few weeks, before heading to an undisclosed country. His troops will coordinate operations with those of Colonel Hillaire Paluku Kombi based around Beni and Butembo and those of Colonel Matata Cobra around Bunia in Ituri.
Colonel Hillaire Paluku Kombi is being supplied in weapons and communication equipment by Colonel Eric Ruhorimbere, the FARDC commander in Beni area.
Source: AfroAmerica Network.
July 28, 2012 No Comments
GERMANY says it is suspending planned budget aid to Rwanda following allegations that the country supported eastern Congo’s latest rebellion.
Germany’s development ministry said on Saturday that it suspended 21 million euros ($A24.97 million) in contributions to Rwanda’s budget planned from this year through 2015.
Britain and the Netherlands already have suspended support and the US cut planned military aid.
A report by UN experts last month accused Rwanda of helping create, arm and support the M23 rebel movement in violation of UN sanctions. Rwanda denies the charges.
German Development Minister Dirk Niebel said he expects “unreserved co-operation” by Rwanda with the UN experts
“The accusations must be cleared up completely, and it must be clear that Rwanda does not support any illegal militias in eastern Congo,” he added in a statement.
July 28, 2012 1 Comment
Rwanda, one of Britain’s closest African allies, has lost £16 million of UK aid after being accused of fuelling a rebellion in the Democratic Republic of Congo that has driven 470,000 people from their homes.
President Paul Kagame of Rwanda, once hailed as one of Africa’s most successful leaders, addressed the Conservative party conference in 2007. His country was later favoured with admission to the Commonwealth, although it has no history of British rule.
But the United Nations reported last month that Mr Kagame shared responsibility for a bloody uprising in neighbouring Congo. Bosco Ntaganda, an indicted war criminal commonly known as the “Terminator”, led a Congolese army mutiny in April.
This inflicted a new round of bloodshed on the provinces of North and South Kivu, with at least 50,000 refugees entering Uganda and another 420,000 fleeing elsewhere in Congo. Ntaganda’s rebels, known as the “M23” movement, have carried out their campaign using weapons and volunteers supplied by Rwanda, according to UN investigators.
America implicitly endorsed this claim by suspending military assistance for Mr Kagame. Britain is Rwanda’s largest bilateral donor, with a £75 million aid programme this year.
Unusually, Rwanda benefits from “general budgetary support” whereby British money goes directly into the country’s coffers, without being allocated for specific sectors like health or education. This year, £37 million was set aside for this purpose.
However, Andrew Mitchell, the International Development Secretary, announced a “delay” in sending a payment of £16 million. He stopped short of endorsing the UN’s finding that Mr Kagame was fuelling Congo’s rebellion, nor did he suspend British aid altogether.
Instead, Mr Mitchell urged Rwanda to “be clear publicly that Bosco Ntaganda, a key M23 figure, is an indicted war criminal who should not be allowed to remain at large as part of any solution to the current conflict”. Rwanda, he added, should help the rival parties in Congo to “resolve their differences” peacefully.
Human rights groups had called on Britain to act against Mr Kagame. “Pressure has been mounting for a while and I think the UK, as the largest bilateral donor to Rwanda, was going to look odd if it continued to do nothing,” said Carina Tertsakian, from the Africa division at Human Rights Watch.
“Even just on a symbolic level, it’s a very significant decision because the UK – and Andrew Mitchell in particular – have been very reluctant to speak out on human rights in Rwanda. DFID have really resisted taking any public stance.”
Rwanda has a history of sponsoring rebels in eastern Congo with the aim of hunting down militias responsible for the genocide of 1994, which claimed 800,000 lives. Mr Kagame denied the latest allegations, saying that “not one bullet” had passed from Rwanda to Congo.
But Ms Tertsakian pointed out that Mr Kagame denied any involvement in Congo even after Rwanda invaded the country in 1996 and 1998. “Whenever there is any criticism, the response is always categoric denial, blanket denial,” she said. “It has been the same every time.”
Source: The Telegraph.
July 27, 2012 1 Comment
The M23 rebellion took control of Rutshuru town for the second time in three weeks yesterday, sending Congolese soldiers running. While the army ran out of supplies, allegations immediately also began trickling in of Rwandan – and even Ugandan – support to the rebels, which had allowed them to break through the MONUSCO and army defenses after a morning of heavy fighting.
Which begs the question: What has happened after on the international stage since the publication of the UN Group of Experts report, implicating Rwanda in support to the M23?
The main shift was initially led by the United States, a longtime friend of Rwanda. Following the publication of the UN report, the US denounced Rwandan involvement and, on July 21st, announced it was cutting $ 200,000 in military aid to Kigali, and would consider other cuts in aid, as well. Other reprimands have been less public: the canceling of a visit to Kigali by Gen. Hamm, the commander of Africom, as well as a visit by a delegation led by Deputy National Security Advisor, Michael Froman. In addition, the US government had put in several phone calls to Kigali, including one by an Undersecretary of State to President Kagame (it was supposed to be Secretary of State Clinton, but it didn’t work out due to scheduling issues.) In early July, Special Advisor on the Great Lakes Barry Walkley visited Kigali himself and met with Foreign Minister Louise Mushikiwabo, denouncing Rwandan support to the M23.
While Bill Clinton was effusive in praise for Rwanda last week during a visit, as was Tony Blair, very few western embassies in the Rwandan capital still doubt that their hosts are supporting the M23. This week, there were reports from diplomats that the United Kingdom, which in general has been much less aggressive that the US, has delayed the disbursement of development funds for two months, while the African Development Bank is doing the same with $ 38.9 million in budgetary aid, and the Dutch government with $ 6.1 million. This is more than symbolic; while the funds may eventually be disbursed, the delays will seriously mess up budget flows.
Almost more important than aid is Rwanda’s upcoming seat on the UN Security Council, which will give the country substantial diplomatic leverage. According to diplomats present at the African Union summit in Addis a few weeks ago, Kabila – who almost never attends these summits – had gone to the meeting planning to rally member states to strip Rwanda of this seat. He would have had to convince eastern and southern African states, but South Africa was apparently ready to back him, as were countries like Angola and Zimbabwe. However, at the summit, Kagame was able to convince Kabila to back away from such drastic measures and leave time for diplomacy. The two are scheduled to meet again in Kampala on August 6 and 7 to discuss the possibility of a neutral military force. Most diplomats I have spoken to, however, think such a force would take a long time to muster, giving time for a further escalation of the conflict. Rwanda will officially be elected to the Security Council during the UN General Assembly in September.
So a lot has happened on the diplomatic circuit. And yet, the pressure on Rwanda has not been able to stem the fighting. Besides the M23 advances, other armed groups are also stirring, including in the foothills of the Ruwenzori mountains (Beni territory), as well as in Ituri.
Source: Congo Siasa
July 27, 2012 No Comments
KIGALI/AMSTERDAM, July 26 (Reuters) – The Netherlands has suspended 5 million euros ($6.15 million) in aid to Rwanda over its reported support for rebels in Congo, a spokeswoman said on Thursday, hours after Kigali said a similar move by the United States was regrettable and would be proved wrong.
The Dutch reaction to a report from United Nations experts saying Kigali was backing insurgents in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo follows Washington’s $200,000 cut in military aid at the weekend.
A spokeswoman for the Dutch foreign ministry said the suspended aid was to have been used for improving Rwanda’s judicial system and that support to non-governmental organisations would continue.
The Dutch government would discuss future aid to Rwanda with other European Union governments and resumption would require an immediate end to Rwandan support for rebels in Congo, she said.
Kigali did not immediately respond to the Dutch move but Rwanda has regularly denied having any link to eastern Congolese rebels and said earlier on Thursday that the U.S. move had been “regrettable” and based on a flawed report.
“It would have been better for the U.S. or any other of our partners to actually take a decision based on clear evidence, not on allegations,” Foreign Minister Louise Mushikiwabo said.
The U.S. cut was seen as a significant shift in policy because Washington has stood by Rwanda in the past despite the tiny nation’s long history of involvement in wars in its vast, unstable neighbour since a 1994 genocide.
Asked if the military aid cut had damaged relations with the United States, Mushikiwabo said: “I don’t think so.”
Clashes between the Congolese army and M23 rebels have forced thousands of people to flee their homes in the last 48 hours, adding to some 260,000 people already displaced since April.
Mushikiwabo also brushed aside a report in Britain’s Guardian newspaper that a U.S. official had warned Rwanda’s leaders they could face prosecution at the International Criminal Court for arming groups responsible for atrocities in the Congo.
“Let’s just take the wildest guess and say that the U.S. government actually does believe that (the leaders might be charged). They wouldn’t announce it through a journalist. That’s not how the U.S. government functions,” she said.
“There is no truth to that. Not only is there no truth to that but it also shows how people are just going wild with this whole Congo thing.”
The U.N. experts accused high-ranking Rwandan officials of backing the Congolese rebels with arms, ammunition and supplies but Mushikiwabo said Rwanda had no reason to support an uprising in a neighbouring country.
Rwandan officials had met the authors of the U.N. report in Kigali to give their side of the story, she said. The report’s final version is due to be released around November.
“We went through each one of them carefully, every single allegation, and gave our own rebuttal … I think when the report becomes final in November it should be very clear that this interim report was just a compilation of allegations, a lot of fabrications,” she said.
“What does a photo of a uniform prove? I can get a uniform sewn here in Kigali any time and put it in a report. So what I think is that this report is very superficially plausible but people really need to look at it.”
The M23 rebellion takes its name from a 2009 peace accord the rebels say was violated by Kinshasa.
It has been swelled by hundreds of defectors from the Congolese army who walked into the bush in support of fugitive Congolese General Bosco Ntaganda, wanted by the ICC on war crimes charges. ($1 = 0.8130 euros) (Writing by James Macharia and David Lewis; Editing by Louise Ireland)
July 27, 2012 No Comments
Early day motion 149 – Tabled on 11/06/2012 – Session: 2012-13
That this House:
– is gravely concerned by the UN report that the recent rebellion in the Democratic Republic of Congo is being fuelled by recruits and support from neighbouring Rwanda;
– recalls that in December 2008 Sweden and the Netherlands revoked aid to Rwanda because of its support to militia gangs killing and raping in Congo;
– acknowledges that without foreign aid Rwanda cannot continue to finance its deadly but highly profitable wars in Congo;
– supports Save the Congo’s call on the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs to unilaterally adopt tough measures against any government, individual or corporation supporting militia gangs in Congo;
– and urges the Government to fully examine Britain’s military and financial support to Rwanda and report to the House on this matter on the earliest possible occasion.
Supported by: A list of all MPs that have signed and support the motion.
Total number of signatures: 33
July 26, 2012 3 Comments
Over the past weeks, a lot of accusations have been thrown around regarding the conflict in the Kivus. Let’s take a closer look at some of them:
The M23 rebellion is the result of the international community pressing for Bosco Ntaganda’s arrest.
Not really. The real reason behind the M23 mutiny/rebellion is Kinshasa’s desire to get rid of the ex-CNDP parallel chains of command in the Kivus. The CNDP – Gen. Laurent Nkunda’s armed group – had been integrated into the Congolese army in 2009 through a deal brokered by the Rwandan government. That deal proved providential for the ex-CNDP, as they received top positions in the operational command, with around 20 per cent of senior positions in South Kivu (I don’t have figures for North Kivu), along with control over smuggling and taxation rackets (often in complicity with non-CNDP). Other, non-CNDP officers were resentful of this arrangement and have been sending signals since at least last year that they want to break up these ex-CNDP networks. So when pressure piled up in March to arrest Bosco it provided the trigger, but not the underlying cause, for the mutiny.
(Another myth is that Kabila called for Bosco’s arrest in April in Goma. He said, in Swahili: “There are a hundred reasons why we could arrest him,” but never explicitly called for his arrest. Since then, however, the governor of North Kivu has called for his arrest.)
The M23 rebellion was formed because Kinshasa had not lived up to its end of the March 23, 2009 agreement.
This is a bit disingenuous. The M23 are called thus because they claim that all they want is the March 23, 2009 agreement with the Kinshasa government to be implemented. (As a reminder, here and here are the terms of the deal.) It is true that there were shortcomings – more could be done to promote the repatriation of Congolese refugees from Rwanda, although the issue is complex. There certainly were tensions and insults traded between ex-CNDP and other FARDC commanders, and the implementation committee had not met in many months.
But to say that the ex-CNDP did not receive their proper salaries is a bit rich, given that many ex-CNDP officers benefited royally from their deployments to mining areas and their control over smuggling rackets. Bosco in particular became rich through smuggling minerals across the border; his men even burglarized banks in Goma in broad daylight.
As for the operations against the FDLR, which the M23 claim had been insufficient, the past three years had seen major advances. According to the UN, 4,914 FDLR combatants returned home via MONUSCO between 2009 and February 2012, with almost as many dependents. That could be anywhere between 50 and 75 per cent of all FDLR troops, although it does not account for fresh recruitment and the original estimates for the FDLR strength may have been slightly off.
In addition, the Congolese government has continued to allow a Rwandan special forces company of around 200 soldiers to maintain a base in the eastern Congo (bizarrely, until today) and conduct operations against the FDLR. These, again, have been very successful (although often at a great humanitarian cost) – with their help, the FDLR Chief of Staff Col. Mugaragu was killed, as were the influential battalion commander Col. Kanzeguhera (aka Sadiki Soleil) and several other important officers.
There were certainly problems with the integration of the ex-CNDP and insincerity on both sides. But those problems should have been solved at the negotiation table, not on the battlefield.
Allegations of anti-Tutsi discrimination are just a pretext for Rwandan meddling.
Slow down, this isn’t quite so simple. There is no doubt that deep resentment and prejudice persists against the Tutsi community in the eastern Congo. And there have been many incidents of abuse against Tutsi civilians and soldiers over the past years, ranging from summary execution to torture and hate speech. All communities in the eastern Congo have experienced abuse, but the Tutsi perception of discrimination is accentuated given their particular history. This fear and ethnic solidarity is very real.
But allegations of anti-Tutsi discrimination are not always well-founded and have at times been manipulated. Since the mutiny began, there have been accusations of anti-rwandophone attacks, particular in Masisi. While there have not been exhaustive investigations, the UN and international NGOs have looked into these allegations by sending teams to the field and have not been able to to find proof of systematic abuse (there appear to have been isolated cases of rape and murder, which are reprehensible, but not widespread). In particular, the allegation voiced both by the Rwandan government and the M23 that 43 ex-CNDP Tutsi were killed in Dungu during anti-LRA operations has not been corroborated by either Congolese civil society or international NGOs based there. There have indeed been Tutsi and Hutu civilians arrested by the Congolese army and intelligence services under suspicion of collaboration with M23, and some of these civilians may have been beaten. Investigations are ongoing.
It is worthwhile pointing out that many of the units deployed against the M23 in the Mushaki-Kilolirwe part of Masisi were initially from the 601st battalion, which included many Tutsi and Hema officers at the company level. Also, the sector commander who took over from the M23 in Masisi is Col. Innocent Kabundi, a Tutsi himself from Masisi, and many of the staff officers commanding operations in North Kivu are Tutsi (Col. Jonas Padiri, Col. Innocent Gahizi, Col. Aaron Nyamushebwa, etc.).
The US government delayed the UN Group of Expert’s report from being published.
Yes, although the US government was divided on this matter. According to several sources within the State Department – in Washington, Rwanda and the Congo – the outlier was Ambassador Susan Rice, the US Permananent Representative to the United Nations. She had some misgivings about the information in the report and especially whether this was the best way to air these allegations, thinking it would be best to address this behind closed doors to avoid an escalation. Almost everybody else in the State Department, including the embassies in the field, as well as Assistant Secretary of State Johnnie Carson, agreed that the addendum to the report should be published.
The Congolese army is collaborating with the FDLR in their offensive against the M23.
This is an allegation to Rwandan government has made, largely in private. There is no hard proof so far to substantiate this. The most serious claim was the visit of FDLR Col. Pacifique Ntawunguka (aka Omega) to Goma in May, allegedly to meet with Congolese Gen. Didier Etumba and to receive money to fight the M23. Other allegations have been made of suspicious troop movements toward the front in Runyoni. Also, this past week an FDLR delegation visited Goma from Brussels, as reported in Rwandan newspapers. According to several sources in Goma, this delegation had been organized by a Norwegian NGO to help sensitize the FDLR, but were arrested by the Congolese army once they were there. It is not clear whether there was some ulterior motive to their visit.
While the Congolese army has collaborated with the FDLR in the past – most recently in 2008 – there has not yet been independent verification of any systematic collaboration against the M23.
The M23 mutiny is not the most serious conflict in the east; we should focus our attention elsewhere.
Yes, while the M23 has the most significant geopolitical implications, the most serious humanitarian situation in April and May was the fighting between Raia Mutomboki along the border between North and South Kivu. Hundreds have been killed there since late last year and tens of thousands displaced. The Rwandan government has pointed this out, suggesting that we should focus our attention there.
But here, again, it may well be more complicated. Some of the armed groups active there – in particular the Forces pour la défense du Congo (FDC) and Sheka Ntaberi’s Nduma Defense of Congo (NDC) – have direct ties with Bosco Ntaganda and perhaps even Kigali (see the Group of Experts’ report here). There are now allegations, which have not been substantiated, coming from civil society and the Congolese government, that similar ties exist with the Raia Mutomboki. That would be strange, given the extreme anti-rwandophone bent to the group, but these kinds of alliances contre naturehave popped up previously.
July 26, 2012 No Comments
Rwanda President Paul Kagame on Monday spoke angrily as he attacked western countries for accusing his government of funneling weapons to the mutinous M23 rebels in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
“The Problems of DRC were not created by Rwanda. The international community is so arrogant, they don’t listen and do not provide solutions,” charged Kagame.
“Rwanda has not supplied even one bullet to the DRC conflict. If we had, I would say we did because we would have done it with a reason,” he added.
Kagame was today inaugurating the Rwanda Defence Forces Command and Staff College in Nyakinama, Musanze District.
The Senior Command Course, designed in collaboration with the Defense Academy of UK and US, includes African political economy, management among other courses.
The Defense Force Command and Staff College will collaborate with highereducation institutions including Rwanda National University.
“We know our problems, we are genuine about finding solutions but the international community wants to pretend some people don’t matter,” said Kagame.
“Holding people accountable is good but if only it wasn’t selective. The International Criminal Court has become highly politicized,” he added.
The President said the college must be prepared to constantly challenge this way of thinking.
“The international community has power to screw up and blame it on someone else. ICTR should have tried members of international community,” he further stated.
Kagame has since been under pressure from the International Community for reportedly sending recruits and logistics to M23 rebels, allegations he vehemently denies.
The Congo crisis has triggered a massive refugee exodus to Uganda and Rwanda.
“This day shows how far we have come in constantly improving force our country needs and deserves. What has made RDF different is emphasis on training based on clarity of purpose, competence, integrity, sense of identity,” said Kagame.
“These are values that led to RDF’s success and earn them respect when they go on international peace keeping missions. Our forces go beyond military realm, should be consistent with Rwanda strategy of seeking lasting solutions to challenges,” added Kagame.
He said the Command and Staff College graduates should be prepared to become catalysts for the transformation of Rwandan society.
“We will continue to partner with others but we must value and stay who we are as we struggle to transform Rwanda,” said Kagame.
“Pressure we come under for bad reasons should harden our thinking, should make us better fighters for our better future. Pressures should constantly shape our thinking, conduct and actions,” he advised hundreds of top army officers at the military college.
“Every day people knock on our door to remind us we are third world but this should provoke positive energy. Even if that is how people want to look at us in that way, we want to be different,” said Kagame.
He reiterated that Knowledge is only meaningful if one is able to put it to good use, adding, it’s not enough to learn if you are not going to use the knowledge “for transformation of our country, people and institutions.”
Earlier, Brig. Gen Mupenzi had revealed that the College’s aims centered on professional conduct, academic achievement and teamwork.
Chief of Defence Staff Lt. General Charles Kayonga said the military college would serve to build on homegrown military doctrine.
Minister of Defence General James Kabareebe said the Senior Command Course is result of President Kagame’s dedication to professionalism of RDF service to Rwanda.
“RDF is an integral part of the national and regional security and responsible member of global community,” said Kabareebe.
Accompanied by his generals, Kagame later toured of class based on intranet system aimed at reducing paper trail by 60% at RDF Command and Staff College, the first of its kind in the country.
July 25, 2012 No Comments
Johanneburg – News reaching our desk right now are saying that the Rwanda Military High Court has without reservation sentenced Lt. Col Rugigana Ngabo, Kayumba Nyamwasa’s young brother, to 9 years in prison.
We spoke to Frank Ntwali, the chairperson of RNC Africa region and the brother-in-law to Kayumba Nyawasa who told us that “ what do you expect for a dictator to do in such case. Like I always say, all systems are manipulated by a single individual, Paul Kagame.”
As reported by guardian.co.uk, Stephen Rapp, who leads the US Office of Global Criminal Justice, told the Guardian the Rwandan leadership may be open to charges of “aiding and abetting” crimes against humanity in a neighbouring country – actions similar to those for which the former Liberian president Charles Taylor was jailed for 50 years by an international court in May.
Rapp’s warning follows a damning United Nations report on recent Rwandan military support for M23, an insurgent group that has driven hundreds of thousands of people from their homes since April as it seized territory in the eastern DRC.
Lt. Col Rugigana Ngabo was arrested on the 20th August 2010 by the National Security Service due to alleged involvement in terrorism act, claimed by Lt Colonel Jill Rutaremara, spokesperson of RDF. We stiill establishing whether the president of Rwanda, Paul Kagame’s decision to handed over the sentence to Lt Rugigana Ngoga has to do with the pressure from the international community or simply a revenge.
July 25, 2012 2 Comments
Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame has told Al Jazeera that his country is not responsible for a mutiny in neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo.
A recent United Nations report accused Rwanda of supporting a rebel group called the M23 led by Bosco Ntaganda.
More than 200,000 people have been displaced in the North Kivu province of the DRC since the mutiny in March and Ntaganda is wanted by the International Criminal Court.
The UN report claims that the group of mutineers allegedly received money, political backing, manpower and weapons from Rwanda.
It is a charge that Kagame described as “fictitious”.
Al Jazeera’s Peter Greste has this exclusive report from Kigali, Rwanda.
July 23, 2012 1 Comment