It is not safe for Rwandan refugees to return home — Rwandinfo_ENG
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It is not safe for Rwandan refugees to return home

by Rwanda People’s Party – Imvura.

The Rwanda People’s Party – IMVURA (RPP – IMVURA) is concerned about the state of Rwandan refugees in Uganda, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Cameroon, UK etc. We are also concerned about the intentions of the Rwanda and Uganda governments, together with UNHCR, aimed at forcing refugees to return to Rwanda where they are at a threat of being persecuted.

While the Rwandan refugees have been wanting to go home peacefully since 1959, Rwanda is now a besieged country where bombs have been going off almost every day with the intention of scaring Rwandan refugees who want to return home to participate in the coming general elections.
Likewise these bombs have also been used to scare members of the opposition to leave the country as well as a pretext to persecute those who dare express their concern about seeing Rwanda heading into a sinking titanic boat.

Kigali is now full of plain-clothed Presidential Guard Unit (PGU) terrorising the community whom they are supposed to protect.

Every day on average, 90 Rwandans are being forced to flee their country for fear of persecution.

The regime has failed to protect the Rwandan people and their properties.

Prisons are full of political prisoners; vulnerable children are physically and mentally abused and then rounded up and taken into prison on AN ISLAND OF THE UNWANTED CHILDREN as stated by New York Times of April 30, 2010.

The situation in Rwanda is quite worse today than it was during the terror regimes of IDI Amin and Obote II of Uganda.

The genocide survivors (IBUKA) are currently living very unspeakable lives under Kagame’s regime than before the 1990 invasion.

We have chilling reports on how Rwandan are being deliberately subjected to horrendous daily attacks. There are evidences of assassinations, kidnappings, mysterious disappearance and harassments by the Rwandan government.

The detailed account cannot be exhausted; but they include:

– 1995: Journalist Manasseh Bugaboo disappeared in Kigali has not been seen since;
– 1996: First post-genocide Interior Minister Seth Sendashonga and businessman Augustin Bugirimfura; shot dead in Nairobi;
– 1998: Journalist Emmanuel Munyemanzi disappeared in Kigali; body spotted in city but not returned to family;
– 1998: Theoneste Lizinde, RPF MP and government intelligence chief before the genocide; was assassinated in Nairobi;
– 2000: First post-genocide President Pasteur Bizimungu’s adviser, Asiel Kabera, shot dead in Kigali;
– 2003: EX-RPF officer and top judge Augustin Cyiza and magistrate Eliezar Runyaruka and opposition MP Leonard Hitimana disappeared from Kigali and have not been seen again;
– 2010: Ex-RPF officer Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa shot and wounded in Johannesburg;
– 2010: Journalist Jean-Leonard Rugambage gunned down in Kigali
– 2010: Denis Semadwinga gunned down in Gisenyi;
– 2010: Sheik Idi Abas, Gen Robert Urayineza alias Zuru Uraye, and Imena Banana, all disappeared in Kigali;
– 2010: Deo Mushayidi kidnapped from Burundi currently in prison in Rwanda;
– 2010: Reporter Dominique Makeli survived abduction in Kampala-Uganda;
– 2010: Dozens of Journalists including Jean Bosco Gasasira – live in fear of abduction in Kampala;
– 2010: Members of the RPP – IMVURA are living under constant threats in the UK, Rwanda and in other countries
– 2010: Journalists – John Edie Mugabi, Ismail Mbonigaba, Charles Kabonera, Robert Sebufirira and many others have fled the country

The Kagame terror regime has no boundaries. It has even extended it’s unashamed attacks and degrading treatments to friends of Rwanda such as foreign journalists, lawyers, NGO agencies; human rights groups, to mention but a few.

All of these atrocities and degradation of the Rwandan people are carried out before the eyes of the international community in particular the UK and US governments and the UNHCR, an umbrella organisation that is supposed to protect these refugees.

It seems as if the international community is aiding the terror regime in Rwanda to continue committing these indescribable atrocities and force Rwandan refugees to return to a country where their lives are at risk.

The RPP – IMVURA believes that the lack of action from UK and US governments has been interpreted by Kagame as his license to kill fellow Rwandans with impunity.

The RPP – IMVURA strongly condemns the barbaric acts, uncultured and cowardly atrocities and inhuman or degrading treatments of the people of Rwanda, both at home and in their countries of asylum by Kagame’s regime.

The RPP – IMVURA calls up the Kigali regime to desist any further temptations on its policy of assassinating, summary execution, kidnapping and the harassment of the Rwandan people.

These barbaric activities by Kigali are very provocative, dangerous and must stop immediately. It is unacceptable.

The RPP – IMVURA calls upon the UN and its agencies to re-enforce the protection of safety and wellbeing of the Rwandan refugees from persistence persecutions by the Kagame terror groups.

We appeal to the international community to bring to account whoever is responsible for inflicting these horrific and disgraceful memories to the people of Rwanda.

The RPP – IMVURA is calling for an intervention from the UK and US governments to force Kagame to step down and to bring to justices those responsible for these horrific crimes.

The political turmoil in Rwanda has been explained by the two independent human rights agencies who affirmed in Uganda’s Daily Monitor 29/06/2010 that it’s unsafe for Rwandan refugees in Uganda or elsewhere to return home.

The reports were commissioned by Refugee Law Project and International Refugees Rights Initiatives. The report is in clear confirmation of the RPP – IMVURA claims about the degrading treatments of Rwandan refugees who return home only to face discrimination, disappearances, imprisonment, xenophobia and political persecution.
This has also been articulated by the King of Rwanda, The King Kigeli Ndahindwa (V) in his interviews in the UMUVUGIZI Newspaper of 5/7/10 and on the BBC Great Lakes news 6/7/10.
In summary the King stated that he abandoned his hopes of return to Rwanda because of Rwanda’s political turmoil and went on to clarify in UMUVUGIZI that it is not advisable to go into a house which is on fire. The question is, if the King of Rwanda cannot return to his own country, what chances are there for the ordinary men and women who have been called ‘flies’ by President Kagame? President Kagame promised to crush these ‘Flies’ with his hammer.

The RPP – IMVURA is still not sure whether the UNHCR and other supporting agencies are there to safeguard the wellbeing of the vulnerable ones or whether they are trying to re-write the 1951 UN Convention on refugees and /or whether the Convention is no longer applicable to vulnerable Rwandan refugees?

The current political turmoil is not so much to do with Rwandan refugees being followed in exile by Kigali terror groups but the circumstances and the manner in which the Rwandan people are being forced to flee their country to become refugees.

The RPP – IMVURA, would like to remind the Uganda government that according to Article 33, para 1 of the Convention of 1951 relating to the status of refugees where Uganda acceded in 1976 as well as the protocol of 1967 that:

“No contracting state shall expel or return (“refouler”) a refugee in any manner whatsoever to frontiers of territories where his life or freedom would be threatened on account of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion”

We are sure that there is rule of law and order in Uganda. We are sure that the Uganda government will honour its engagement on this matter and we are kindly requesting the Uganda government not force Rwandan refugees to return Rwanda where they lives are at threat.

The RPP-IMVURA is particularly concerned about the fate of Rwandan refugees currently living in Zambia.
Zambia has around 88000 refugees of which 5010 are Rwandans. Zambia has given Rwandan refugees until December 31st, 2011 to go back to Rwanda otherwise their rights to be refugees and reside in the safety of Zambia will be confiscated.
The ultimatum was made to them by the boss of the UNHCR, Joyce Cole in conjunction with Zambian government officials.

The RPP – IMVURA believes that the Zambian government is not exceptional when it comes to its obligation in upholding Article 33 para 1 of the Convention of 1951 relating to the status of refugees of which Zambia is also a signatory.

If the situation was condusive in Rwanda, indeed, no one would long more to go back to Rwanda than the Rwandan refugees, because that is where they belong.
No one was born or created to be subjected to the test of living the life of a refugee and or of Rwandans in Diaspora. It was not our mistake to be forced to leave our country. It is therefore wrong to condemn Rwandan refugees for their refusal to return home where their lives are deemed to be in danger. It is imperative, one must look at the continued circumstances that are forcing them to flee their homeland and condemn it in the strongest terms.

Refugees of Rwandan origin make up to around 2.5 million refugees who have fled the country since 1959 and to date. Of these, 1.2 million live in Uganda. The RPP – IMVURA has been advocating for a direct and meaningful dialogues that would involve a wider consultations as a parameter to resolve all issues that affect Rwandan refugees since 1959 to date.

We need to work out a clear mechanism required to facilitate a “peaceful and meaningful repatriation and permanent resettlement” of all Rwandan refugees.

There is need for a negotiated and enforceable agreement where the wellbeing of all refugees returning home would be guaranteed by the international community as a confidence-building exercise.

The RPP – IMVURA has communicated to the Rwandan government and to the United Nations about the readiness and unreserved willingness of Rwandan refugees to return home.

The party has also requested the postponement of the 9th August 2010 elections to next August 2011, so as to give appropriate opportunities to millions of Rwandan refugees to become part of the democratic process to elect leaders of their own choose.

The RPP – IMVURA has been urging the international community to support this peaceful idea and there has been no response of any sorts from either Rwanda or the international community.

The RPP – IMVURA, wishes to take this opportunity once again to call upon the Rwandan government to enter direct Peace Talks to resolve the questions of Rwandan refugees once and for all.

The RPP – IMVURA also calls upon the regional leaders in particular the President of the Republic of Uganda, Yoweri Museveni, the African Union and the international community, more importantly, ‘the Five plus One’, that is; the US, UK, France, Russia, China and German, to facilitate direct and meaningful dialogues and support the implementation of any agreed frameworks.

The RPP – IMVURA is open to work with the international community and other supporting agencies to ensure a peaceful return of all Rwandan refugees as soon as it becomes possible.

The RPP – IMVURA requests the international community to support its efforts to engage in direct negotiations with the Kigali regime.
“We would also seek direct guarantees from the international community that we shall not be treated like Deo Mushayidi, Ms Victoire Ingabire and others who have returned home and found themselves in the Kangaroo courts,”

The RPP – IMVURA appeals to the international community to view and see Rwanda as a state beyond Rwandan President Paul Kagame, rather than viewing and seeing President Kagame beyond the state of Rwanda. It is therefore, wrong for anyone to think, suggest or even to believe that there would be no Rwanda without President Kagame.

The RPP – IMVURA believes that forcing Rwandans to return home where their lives are in danger may trigger violence like that of 1981 when former Ugandan President Milton Obote regime in the 1980s, forced thousands of Tutsi refugees to return home against their wishes. The forceful repatriation led to over 4500 Rwandan refugees loosing their lives when they were returned to Rwanda into yet another hostile environment without any due regards of their safety and wellbeing.

LONDON 11/07/2010.
RWANDA PEOPLE’S PARTY – IMVURA
(RPP-I) – RPP079/07/I-03J/RR/10/U.
www.rwandapeopleparty.org
rppimvura@rwandapeopleparty.org
rppimvura@yahoo.com
Tel: 447985663922

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2 comments

1 Richard { 07.20.10 at 2:31 pm }

Rwanda: Kagame’s ‘Congo Crisis’
Charles Onyango-Obbo
19 July 2010
opinion
Nairobi — On June 20 as we drove to President Paul Kagame’s country home in Muhazi, we encountered what was once a very common sight around Rwanda.
A group of prisoners, in garish pink (Rwandese prison authorities have a hopeless fashion sense) were walking single file — as soldiers would do — back to a nearby prison.
Many of them participated in the 1994 genocide.
The first thing you noticed was that they did not have an armed guard keeping an eye on them.
Now, I am suspicious of people who argue that “every country is different” or is “unique” and therefore we should not generalise, for example, about Africa.
I am suspicious because when politicians make that argument, they are doing so to avoid being judged by the international community.
And when the international community makes it, it is because it’s running away from the responsibility to intervene and stop a dictator from oppressing or robbing the citizens of his country.
All human beings and countries are, essentially, the same.
The differences among countries are mostly of form and style.
In Rwanda, if you speak to RPF intellectuals, you will hear the words “Rwanda’s case is unconventional” used very many times. Even President Kagame uses them.
But even I have to make a small concession here and admit that Rwanda is indeed very different from most — if not all — African countries in some aspects, and the prisoner story is one of them.
The first time I encountered these unguarded prisoners was in 1996.
I was driving into Kigali in the company of a graduate school friend who had since returned to Rwanda and was a senior aide in the president’s office.
There were over 200 prisoners, some of them former military men, mark you, working in a field guarded only by a solitary armed soldier.
I was surprised, and asked my friend what was going on.
He explained: “You see, in old Rwanda, everyone was part of an open or secret cell. These structures are carried forward in the prison, and every prisoner is part of a cell.”
“Now, what you have to do is figure out the cells and the leaders, and you cut a deal with the leaders when you are taking the prisoners in their cell out to work. If he gives his word that the prisoners will not escape, they won’t escape. You don’t need a guard,” he said.
“If he says ‘no’, and you insist, however many guards you have, they will try and make a break.”
They say that when you get five Kenyans in a room, you get five political parties.
If you end up with five Rwandese in a room, you get five secret cells (at least, according to the RPF, in the “old” Rwanda).
This is one reason so many people were killed in the 1994 genocide.
The command to kill Tutsi spread quickly and efficiently because of the cell structure, and Hutu men killed their Tutsi wives and children without a second thought, because what the cell demanded, the cell got.
One gets the sense that this cell structure and discipline has, in a reversal of misfortune, helped Kagame turn Rwanda around.
However, it also makes Rwanda an inhospitable country for the noisy, often chaotic, freewheeling party politics of countries like Kenya.
Some of the things that happen in Kagame’s Rwanda are very unAfrican indeed. A few examples will do:
In late 2007, the government initiated an aggressive malaria prevention programme. The results?
In 2008, the number of people reporting to health centres with malaria dropped a record 66 per cent.
The only other country that came close was Ethiopia, which managed a 33 per cent reduction. In 2009 there was a drop of 75 per cent from the existing base.
As you read this, Rwanda has a problem many African, Asian, and Latin American countries would die to have — a surplus of malaria medicine! By the end of 2010, to use the slogan, Rwanda may well have kicked out malaria. In three years flat.
Again, a few years ago, the government decided that no citizen of the country should perish in his house because he had no health insurance or there was no ambulance to take him/her to a hospital.
A private company was contracted to import and manage an ambulance service using, not the traditional minivans, but robust Nissan 4-wheel drives that were kitted out to be ambulances. A companion SMS service was then built for calling up the ambulance.
Rwanda has about six types of health insurance.
Today, it is nearing 100 per cent coverage, including the very poorest. In a few short years, it will have 100 per cent ambulance coverage too.
Thirdly, most of the “people’s armies” that come to power after a guerrilla war — in countries like Ethiopia, Uganda, Angola, Mozambique — often have a populist mission to be a “productive” army. Once in office though, they settle into the comforts of power and do nothing.
Rwanda bucks the trend. After it came to power, the RPF had the army form its own co-op, the Ingama Credit and Savings Society (CSS).
Every soldier contributes a small portion of his/her monthly salary to the sacco.
The fund became so successful, it started building houses for soldiers.
And it also piled up so much money that it was no longer efficient to keep as a co-operative.
CSS was therefore turned into a bank, and is doing a roaring trade.
It continues to build nearly a thousand personal houses for soldiers every year.
The time is not too far off when every Rwandan serviceman and woman will be the proud owner of a modern house.
And it’s the same story with Tristar, the business arm of the RPF. When the RPF came to power, Rwanda was a shell. There was no production.
The army had to go out and harvest abandoned fields, forage for food, or grow it, and bring it to the markets to sell to the shell-shocked population.
Today, the Rwanda army is on the way to being the largest commercial farmer in East Africa.
It also runs one of Africa’s best coffee cleaning operations, and is partly responsible for the fact that branded Rwanda coffee is one of the few varieties carried as such by Starbucks in its cafes worldwide.
Every year, the military has an Army Month, which it spends mostly on community service.
On average, they vaccinate 17,000 children for various diseases that month, and build at least 350 houses for people in the villages.
One does not have to be a rocket scientist to figure out what the Rwanda countryside will look like in five years if this is kept up.
And so from its early days collecting and selling vegetables in the market, Tristar as a business was born.
Travelling in Rwanda in the first few years after the genocide, it was hard to see how the country would ever get back on its feet.
The telephone lines had been ripped out, and phone exchanges destroyed.
And I saw a rare sight in African conflict — the country’s main brewery in Gisenyi had been razed.
In many an African, and indeed world, conflict, the warring parties usually agree on one thing; sparing the brewery.
In the morning, the government troops will collect their booze, and the rebels won’t attack their beer convoy.
In the evening, the rebels will show up to collect their drink, and the government will not ambush their beer trucks. It is a boy thing.
With their drinks in the stores, the warriors then return to killing each other on the battlefield.
When the RPF decided that, given that theirs is a tiny country anyway, they would not rebuild a copper-based phone system but go cellular, they went to South Africa and eventually pitched camp at the MTN headquarters (them of World Cup fame).
The South Africans thought the Rwandese were joking.
The fellows did not even have a country to speak of, following the genocide, and no African country south of the Sahara had a mobile phone service to speak of.
The Rwanda government then offered MTN a deal it could not refuse. Come to Rwanda as a partner with Tristar.
Don’t put in any money if you don’t wish to, just bring in your technology and expertise. If the mobile phone business succeeds, Tristar will sell you a stake.
If it fails, Tristar pays you your costs, and you hightail it back to South Africa.
The cellular service was a runaway success, and Tristar made a killing selling a stake to MTN South Africa.
Then the latter expanded, with Tristar as a partner, into Uganda.
About 10 years later, Tristar sold its stake in MTN Uganda, laughing all the way to the bank.
Without Tristar, MTN would have taken years to venture out of South Africa.
Today, Tristar is thought to be the largest real estate developer in East Africa.
Their most lucrative single business, however, was an audacious gamble.
A competitiveness guru in the US, who is a friend of Kagame, and some forward looking friends thought to start a biotech firm, but had difficulty raising the venture capital for it.
When the guru mentioned the project to Kagame. Kagame was hooked.
He called in Tristar, and asked them to invest $40 million.
Tristar baulked, and all but told Kagame to go and jump in Lake Kivu.
After a protracted tug of war, he squeezed about $20 milion out of them.
To cut a long story short, Tristar’s stake in the biotech firm is today worth $20 billion.
It also invested in a bio-diesel consortium comprising the California-based Eco-Fuel Global, and the UK’s Eco Positive.
By 2014, it is estimated that Tristar’s interests in these businesses could be worth over $40 billion.
By then, some optimistic RPF economists speculate, the party’s local and international assets could be equal to or larger than Rwanda’s gross domestic product — and also make the RPF one of the richest parties in the world.
That is why, realistically, it will be difficult for any opposition to unseat the RPF at elections any day soon.
With this war chest, and a little vote pinching, it is unbeatable.
That, of course, is if the party doesn’t split.
Also, it would have to avoid the high-risk foreign adventures like the invasion — and short-lived occupation — of eastern Congo, which humanitarian groups estimate led directly and indirectly to the death of more than 4 million people — four times as many as were killed in the Rwanda genocide.
Its DRC adventure has, indeed, come back to haunt Rwanda.
The UN and several international organisations have accused Rwanda (and Uganda and Zimbabwe) of plundering the east of the country.
Kigali has repeatedly denied that it pillaged in the DRC, but many observers don’t believe it because, they say, Rwanda’s economy is still fairly small and even its heady growth rates cannot explain the extensive and expensive real estate and the skyscrapers that litter the Kigali skyline.
Undoubtedly, some Rwandan generals profited from the DRC.
However, with Rwanda’s close allies in the UK and USA threatening to cut its legs off if it didn’t get out of Congo, Kigali had to scale back, and eventually withdraw.
That removed an embarrassing item from the table for Kagame’s Western friends, but analysts argue that it created new threats to his power.
For starters, when Rwanda invaded Congo (then called Zaire), it said it had three objectives:
First, to remove the “genocidal” Rwandese forces that had withdrawn into the DRC, regrouped, and were making regular deadly cross-border raids into Rwanda.
Second, it aimed to punish the government of Zairean dictator Mobutu Sese Seko after his troops crossed into Rwanda and ransacked it.
Third, to stop the killing of the Congolese Tutsi, the Banyamulenge.
In the end, the RPA — with varied support from Uganda, Ethiopia, Angola, and Zimbabwe — were surprised to see how quickly Mobutu’s army, corrupted by beating up on civilians and robbing them for decades, collapsed in the face of grown-up fire.
The Rwanda-led coalition virtually sleepwalked its way to the capital Kinshasa, and installed the womanising rebel/smuggler Laurent Kabila (father of current president Joseph Kabila) as president in 1997.
Rwanda’s withdrawal from DRC, while improving Kagame’s international scorecard, proved problematic domestically.
Because Kagame is overzealous in fighting corruption — and is the kind of man who will chase down a chicken thief if need be — the fortunes of war that crooked generals had got used to in DRC were not available back in Rwanda.
Foreign occupation is corrupting, and Kagame seems not to have had a smart post-DRC-war settlement for his generals that took that reality into account.
This sowed the seeds that eventually led to the falling out between Kagame and his close allies.
Former army chief of staff Gen Kayumba Nyamwasa, who escaped an assassination attempt in his South African exile last month, represents one face of that post-Congo crisis.
Secondly, the withdrawal from the DRC effectively ended the “Greater Rwanda” project, which aimed to bring the Banyamulenge into an expanded Rwandan state where they would be protected — and therefore envisaged an annexation of parts of the DRC.
The end of that dream proved very unpopular with RPF’s hardline nativists, especially those Tutsi who were refugees in French-speaking Burundi and DRC.
They tend to form the raw edge of the RPF, and feel they are losing out in the “de-Frenchification” of Rwanda, and its slow but sure conversion into an Anglophone state by the Rwandans who lived their refugee life in Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania and the West.
They see this “de-Frenchification” in Rwanda’s joining of the East African Community, an English-speaking trading bloc where right-hand-drive cars are the norm (in Rwanda, they drive on the right), and the Commonwealth, a relic of the British Empire.
This is a real ideological divide, and even the self-assured President Kagame can only flip flop when discussing the issue.
Thus, when Rwanda arrested the controversial eastern DRC rebel leader and defender of the Banyamulenge, Gen. Laurent Nkunda — who has been accused by human rights groups of ordering massacres in eastern DRC — it went down well internationally.
But not everyone in the RPF ranks was happy.
They saw it as a betrayal, like Israel turning its back on a distressed Jew.
Indeed, the complexity of the Nkunda issue is evident from the fact that Kagame kept emphasising that Rwanda did not arrest him, rather that he “handed himself over” to them.
It is an important distinction because, Kagame argues, it makes it impossible to hand him over to either an international or DRC authority because Rwanda is not sure he would be tried or treated fairly.
In any event, if Kigali were to hand over Nkunda to Kinshasa and he was killed, Kagame too would begin living perilously.
As of now, Kagame acknowledges that Rwanda doesn’t know what to do with Nkunda.
It can’t keep him (under a loose house arrest) forever, nor can it hand him over.
Awkward issues like Nkunda are a reminder that Kagame has not yet escaped the reality that he is a Tutsi.
No African leader dines with the rich and powerful of the world like Kagame, and long-term it makes sense for him to promote a brand of himself as a national and East African leader — one reason Rwanda was courageous enough to throw its doors open to other East Africans barely a year into its membership of the EAC.
However, having to crack down on allegedly hatemongering newspapers, owned mostly by right-wing Hutu politicians, and having to arrest politicians like Victoire Ingabire for “spreading genocide ideology'” means he has to fight old tribal wars, and it undermines his goal of being seen as a modern statesman.
Kagame also believes that it is possible to shift the basis of support in Rwandan politics away from ethnicity, to one based on delivery of public goods to the masses — and that is already happening.
However, here he betrays some naivete, because he has not factored in fully the fact that the forces within the RPF — and outside it — who are losing out in the new dispensation, will fight back.
But perhaps most risky is the fact that Kagame and his allies think that the good works they have done are self-evident.
They seem to believe that man can live on bread alone, so give him bread and your job is done.
That the world should be forever thankful that the RPF stopped the genocide. That the world shares their view of the “enemy.”
Because of this, if there is one thing that has degenerated in Rwanda, it is the ability of the once information-savvy RPF to explain itself.
Thus when there was a botched attempt to kill Kayumba in South Africa, Kigali was slow to react.
By the time it did, professing its innocence, its critics were already all over the BBC, Al Jazeera, and the news wires pinning the shooting on Kigali — and even Kagame specifically
Kigali was at first indifferent and scornful of the charges, then seemed dazed by how much stick it was getting.
The reality is that the view of the RPF as a hammer-and-tongs regime is held by many people.
Having the best flower gardens and public lawns of any African city can only go so far to change this image.
Rwanda today is like the schoolgirl who turns up at the prom with the most beautiful dress, but then has to endure the fact that she is not much liked by the boys at the party.
Kagame has the ability to change that, and how the August elections are conducted, and how much his government is willing to endure even the most obnoxious of critics in future, will be a large part of it. Will he?

2 Komeza { 07.24.10 at 9:00 am }

Mr charles onyango Obbo.
Do you know what happens to their family when
prisoner escapes?
post comments that Kagame fell from heavens…
Calling him jewish is not enough.
Sing his praises,well if you are paid micely for it .
He might be friend of the rich and the powerfull
but so was Mobutu.
All you could advise kagame to do is stop his terror tactics,
and hand back the power to the people,
Then hand himself to an independent tribunal.
enough is enough killing our parents and family members…
may God bless Rwanda.

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