S.Africa rejects Rwanda bid to extradite officer
Wed Nov 23, 2011 10:55am GMT

CAPE TOWN Nov 23 (Reuters) – South Africa has turned down a request to extradite exiled Rwandan army general Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa to his home country, but is considering similar requests from Spain and France, a minister said on Wednesday.

Former liberation hero Nyamwasa, who has fallen out with Rwandan President Paul Kagame, has been accused of being behind a string of deadly grenade attacks in the capital Kigali last year. Nyamwasa has denied the allegations.

He was granted refugee status by South Africa following an attempt to assassinate him in Johannesburg in June 2010, after he had fled from Rwanda.

"Requests for the extradition of General Nyamwasa were received from Rwanda, Spain and France. The department concluded not to grant the request from Rwanda as he had already been granted formal refugee status," Jeff Radebe, the Justice and Constitutional Development Minister, said in a written response to questions in parliament.

Nyamwasa is wanted by France and Spain for killings in the 1990s. He fought with Kagame in the 1994 war that halted the genocide by Hutu militia, who killed 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus is 100 days.

"With regard to the requests from Spain and France, the department is currently considering these requests," Radebe added.

In June this year, Rwandan police arrested suspects they described as terrorists linked to Nyamwasa and used as a conduit to finance activities intended to destabilise the country 17 years after the genocide. (Reporting by Wendell Roelf)

via S.Africa rejects Rwanda bid to extradite officer | Agricultural Commodities | Reuters.

Susan E. Rice’s Speech

Remarks by Ambassador Susan E. Rice,
U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations,
At the Kigali Institute of Science and Technology
“Building a New Nation: Rwanda’s Progress and Potential”

November 23, 2011

I have come to Rwanda to bear witness to the remarkable progress you have made against all odds.

Rwanda holds its own tragic place in the 20th century’s grim litany of mass violence. As you know so well, the evil of genocide came swiftly, home by home, in the form of men with machetes, calls to murder hissed out over transistor radios, lists of innocents for slaughter.� Deliberate, direct cruelties that still leave us shocked and shaken.

Rwanda did not suffer from so-called “ancient hatreds.”� It suffered from modern demagogues: from the ex-FAR, the Interahamwe, Radio Mille Collines.� It suffered from those who were willing to kill in the name of difference, from those who saw division and death as the path to power. And it suffered from the indifference of neighbors, international institutions, and individual governments – including my own – that failed to act in the face of a vast, unfolding evil.

Tomorrow, I will take my husband and children to the genocide memorial here in Kigali, so they can experience what I have learned in my prior visits. We will pay our respects both to those forever lost and to the brave survivors, who challenge us all even to comprehend their enduring sacrifices and extraordinary strength.

Today, I am here as an American ambassador.� But I will also speak for myself, from my heart. I visited Rwanda for the first time in December 1994, six months after the genocide.� I was a young Director on the White House National Security Council staff, accompanying the President’s National Security Advisor, Anthony Lake.� I was responsible for issues relating to the United Nations and peacekeeping. Needless to say, we saw first-hand the spectacular consequences of the poor decisions taken by those countries, including my own and yours, that were then serving on the United Nations Security Council.

I will never forget the horror of walking through a church and an adjacent schoolyard where one of the massacres had occurred. Six months later, the decomposing bodies of those who had been so cruelly murdered still lay strewn around what should have been a place of peace.� For me, the memory of stepping around and over those corpses will remain the most searing reminder imaginable of what humans can do to each other.� Those images stay with me in the work I do today, ensuring that I cannot forget how important it is for all of us to prevent genocide from recurring.

Here, after three long months, the genocide finally ended.� But the destruction was hardly over.� Up to a million dead.� Another million refugees scattered across the borders, including thousands of genocidaires eager to resume battle.� Zaire was their rear base, and the refugees in UN-supported camps were their hostages.� Rwanda, according to the World Bank, in just a few months had become the poorest country on earth.� And within a few short years, it sent forces into neighboring Congo.� “Africa’s first world war,” as it was called, claimed millions more lives from battle and disease.

Yet, even as war still raged, another story was beginning to play itself out. The people and the new government envisioned a different Rwanda, one where reconciliation replaced division, where healing helped salve deep wounds, where self-sufficiency could eventually defeat despair.

Having endured the worst, you nonetheless aspired to the best.

First, you worked to address the past, so your future could come sooner.� The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda is finally winding down.� Gacaca courts, adapting traditional justice practices to the overwhelming task of separating the innocent from the small fish, and the small fish from the most guilty planners and perpetrators, brought a measure of justice and reconciliation.� Many former FAR-Interahamwe militants have been reintegrated into society. Though much more remains to be done, the processing of cases, the commuting of sentences to community service, and the building of new jails have combined to reduce the number of prisoners by half over the past decade.

Gradually, deliberately, Rwanda has been trying to make itself whole.

Over time, you have implemented enlightened gender policies, advanced new development models, insisted on clean government, and made forward-looking investments.

You are living in the midst of astonishing change. In the stress of daily life, it might not seem like much.� Undoubtedly, you want more and faster change – more development, more opportunity, more freedom.� And you deserve it.� Your progress, of course, has been uneven, with economic development far outpacing political development. �But, as naturally you strive for a brighter future, don’t lose sight of how far you have come.� To many Americans and other foreigners, what you have achieved in seventeen short years is impressive. It gives us hope and new models.� It also shows other developing countries emerging from conflict what can be accomplished with effective policies and committed citizens.� South Sudan, Liberia, the Central African Republic, Guinea, Haiti, Nepal and many others would do well to take a couple of pages from the book you have begun to write for Rwanda.

As President Obama said last year at the UN Millennium Development Goals Summit, when he launched our Global Development Initiative: we “seek partners who want to build their own capacity to provide for their people. Because the days when your development was dictated in foreign capitals must come to an end.”

Rwanda is just such a partner.

Starting with women.� The genocide and war reduced the male population disproportionately, leaving a leadership vacuum.� The government and international donors – notably the UN Development Program and the Inter-Parliamentary Union – turned this into an opportunity.� Women were trained in parliamentary leadership, and 30 percent of parliamentary seats were reserved for women.�� By 2003, women had won 48 percent of the seats in the lower house, more than a third of which were unreserved seats. In 2008, women took an even greater share: 45 out of 80 seats, making Rwanda the only country in the world to this day with a female parliamentary majority.� This puts the rest of us to shame.

Economically, you have made an astonishing recovery: per capita gross domestic product has tripled since 1994. The foundation for this growth has, of course, been agriculture.� The government, with external support, has reduced soil erosion through terracing and tree planting.� It has promoted effective use of fertilizers and pesticides, which increased production.� Consolidation of landholdings is slowly transforming farm production from subsistence to industrial levels. Over the past decade, agriculture has grown at 5 percent or more per year. The United States is proud to play a small part in that growth through President Obama’s Feed the Future initiative.

At the same time, you have seen your economy diversify.� Eco-tourism is becoming a major success.� The services sector is the largest in the economy, growing at about 10 percent each year.

The driver of Rwanda’s development is, first and foremost, the commitment of its people and government to make development a priority. Combined with determined and able governance, a firm belief in innovation and entrepreneurship, the high-quality foreign aid that comes from meaningful and genuine partnerships; and a deliberate strategy for engaging the free market, this commitment is translating into tangible results.

Balancing these factors is tricky.� No government today can claim to be getting it exactly right when it comes to economic governance and performance.� Still, Rwanda is making striking progress.� The World Bank’s “Doing Business 2012” analysis once again raised Rwanda’s ranking: it is now number 45 out of 183 countries. Not so long ago, Rwanda was ranked 141. That is a massive leap.

The World Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness Report now ranks Rwanda the 70th most competitive economy in the world; two years prior, it was the 80th.� The WEF gave extremely high ratings to Rwanda in three areas: participation of women in the labor force, the ease of starting a business, and the cleanliness of government.� Today, I had the opportunity to visit Kigali’s One-Stop Center, and saw firsthand that it is easy to do business here.� And Rwanda’s policies aimed at rooting out corruption only make it easier.� In its most recent global-corruption report, Transparency International rated Rwanda the least corrupt country in East Africa.

Yet, perhaps the greatest challenge of all, the one that takes generations to accomplish, is building human capital — raising up the health, education, and the skills of your nation.

Rwanda has focused on primary education; thus, you are investing in the future.� Roughly 43 percent of your population is under 15 years of age. �Education spending has risen steadily as a share of GDP and now accounts for about a fifth of the national budget. The bulk of this goes to basic education, through the 9th grade. Literacy rates have already risen from 58 percent in 1999 to 71 percent in 2009.� This year, the government proposed increasing free universal education from nine years to twelve and continues to invest heavily in teacher training to raise the quality of instruction.

Healthier children make better students, and my country has devoted much of our� assistance to improving health care.� Whether you are measuring immunization rates or the use of insecticide-treated bed nets, healthcare practices here are improving.� Basic health insurance is accessible to almost all Rwandans. The share of government expenditure devoted to healthcare has more than tripled since 1996.� The mortality rate for children under five has, in just five years, been reduced by well more than half.� And thanks to agricultural policies, protein and calorie production have reached international standards.

Rwandans are swiftly becoming better educated, better fed, and better cared for.

As a small, densely populated, landlocked and mountainous country, Rwanda has few natural assets that can facilitate economies or fuel trade. So the government is looking to digital technology to build virtual ports and shrink the distance between Rwanda and the global economy. Information and communications technologies are critical to developing both the productive capacity and the human capital that together form the foundation for lasting economic growth.� The number of internet users in Rwanda more than doubled in the last few years.� It is certain to increase much more as the country’s fiber-optic network – completed just last year — gets up to speed. Cellular and wireless internet access will help transform Rwandan society.

Advanced technology does more than just ease communication.�� Most developing countries have sought to get their energy the cheapest way they can, which is also usually the dirtiest: by chopping and burning forests, burning diesel fuel, or burning coal. Rwanda is taking advantage of technology and its own natural gift of water to build a hydro-power industry, which already accounts for half of the country’s electricity generation. You also have projects underway to transform dangerous methane gas and into a clean source of electricity.

As a member of the East Africa Community, Rwanda is helping build a larger market that will foster intra-regional trade, spur investment in infrastructure, agriculture and energy, and strengthen all of its members by harmonizing policies and practices. Similarly, the U.S.-Rwandan Bilateral Investment Treaty, ratified in September by the U.S. Senate, will solidify business ties between our two countries.

Rwanda’s economic and social progress has been accompanied by a parallel rise in its international stature – from a collapsed and divided state, at war across its borders, to a respected partner in security and development.� Relations with your neighbors have improved markedly.� Even more, you have taken the terrible materials of the past and transformed them into a mission to bring peace.

Rwanda’s peacekeeping contributions started in 2004 with the deployment of a couple hundred military personnel to Darfur as part of the African Union mission. Now, there are 3,500 Rwandans involved in UN missions around the world. While most Rwandan peacekeepers serve in Sudan, they have also proved valuable in Liberia, Cote d’Ivoire, Haiti, the Central African Republic, and Chad.

Rwanda has paid the ultimate price on these missions, losing its sons. I want to extend my sympathies to the families of Sergeant John Twahirwa and Private Samuel Ntakirutimana, who gave their lives in Darfur just a few weeks ago.

For Rwanda, peacekeeping is practiced within the context of development.� In Sudan, Rwandan soldiers have spread the Umuganda work tradition. They’ve manufactured bricks to build schools, and introduced rondereza – energy-efficient stoves – so women will not run such a grave risk of attack while searching for firewood.

Taking its commitments onto the global stage, Rwanda is the current chair of the United Nations Peacebuilding Commission.� It has been my privilege to work closely with Ambassador Eugene Gasana in advancing the commission’s agenda to help war-torn societies reconcile, rebuild and develop. The Peacebuilding Commission is part of a broad set of reforms adopted in 2005,� including a new doctrine known as “the responsibility to protect.”

This doctrine requires the international community to protect civilians even at the expense of a national government’s sovereignty, if and when that government fails to protect its citizens – or, worse still — is attacking them itself.� This is a concept with special significance for Rwandans.� As you would expect, Rwanda is known globally as a strong and principled proponent of the responsibility to protect.

Every situation is different, of course, and calls for a different policy response. Yet many of us heard strong echoes of 1994 when Muammar Qaddafi promised that he would root out the people of Benghazi and go house to house killing innocents like “rats.”� Just yesterday, I was in Libya.� There, I visited a detention facility that Qaddafi’s forces torched before retreating from Tripoli. Over 100 people were killed with bullets and grenades in one small warehouse, and then their remains were lit on fire.

I knew from my visit to Rwanda in 1994 that such atrocities were likely in Libya, if Qaddafi went unchecked.� I knew we should act, as did President Obama.

Despite the risks and the costs, President Obama was determined not to sit back and watch another predictable horror unfold before his eyes.� He knew that doing nothing would not only stain our national conscience but also deliver a license to dictators to kill the Arab Spring in its crib. He knew it would also send a terrible message about the international community’s inability to act – even with a call for help from the Libyan people and the Arab League, even with the capability to stop a massacre that would have left tens, if not hundreds, of thousands dead.

My President refused to let that happen.� Knowing a no-fly zone alone would be too little too late, President Obama ordered me to try to get from the Security Council a robust UN mandate to protect civilians, one that allowed the aggressive use of airpower to halt Qaddafi’s advance.� This time, the Security Council acted.� And acted in time.� Having failed in Rwanda and Darfur, it did not fail again in Libya. Within less than two days, American firepower played a decisive role in stopping Qaddafi’s forces and saving Benghazi, and our coalition continued our efforts to protect the Libyan people.

Because we acted, countless men, women and children were spared. Because we acted, the Libyan people had the time and space to end the Qaddafi regime and chart a new beginning. Because we acted, the international community gave meaning to the promises that have been made so many times on Rwandan soil – that we will not stand idly by when we have the capability to stop an atrocity.

That is also why the United States is sending military advisors to support Central African states as they try to put an end to the decades of war crimes committed by the Lord’s Resistance Army.

When it came to Libya, many African nations were silent, skeptical or even harshly critical of the decision to intervene to protect innocents.� Not Rwanda.� Alone among African nations outside the UN Security Council, Rwanda readily and publicly agreed.� “Our responsibility to protect is unquestionable,” President Kagame said. “This is the right thing to do, and this view is backed with the authority of having witnessed and suffered the terrible consequences of international inaction.”� Rwanda has not just moved beyond its own genocide, it has consistently led by example, from Darfur to Libya, in standing up against those who would commit genocide or mass atrocities.

I have visited Rwanda several times, and as always, I come here as a friend. This time, for the first time, I will be joined by my family.� I want them to see your beautiful country and to learn what can be accomplished when a proud people unite in common cause.� I want them also to witness and take inspiration from your achievements.

I believe as well that friends should speak frankly to friends.

Rwanda’s economic vitality has moved the country forward.� Social progress has been substantial.� Yet, the political culture in Rwanda remains comparatively closed. Press restrictions persist. Civil society activists, journalists, and political opponents of the government often fear organizing peacefully and speaking out. Some have been harassed.� Some have been intimidated by late-night callers. Some have simply disappeared.

Yet, the world is moving rapidly in a different direction.� Across the globe, including in societies where the common wisdom was that freedom would never arrive, we are seeing people demand the right to chart their own future, to organize peaceful demonstrations, and to criticize their own governments.� From an angry young fruit seller in Tunisia, the demand to be heard has spread across North Africa and into the Middle East. It was taken up in Egypt.� Then Libyans demanded the end to Qaddafi’s 42 years of tyranny.� Today, Syrians and Yemenis are being killed by their governments simply for saying what they think about their leaders and their future.� But they will keep speaking out, because they have a universal human right to do so.� And they know it.

These rights to freedom of assembly, freedom of expression, freedom to organize peacefully, are just as vital, just as inherent in Asia, in Latin America and in Sub-Saharan Africa as they are in Europe, America or the Middle East.� As President Kagame said, “The uprising in Libya has already sent a message to leaders in Africa and beyond.� It is that if we lose touch with our people, if we do not serve them as they deserve and address their needs, there will be consequences. Their grievances will accumulate – and no matter how much time passes, they can turn against you.”

The deepening and broadening of democracy can be the next great achievement of this great country and its remarkable people.� In Rwanda, economic development and political openness should reinforce each other.� This is Rwanda’s next developmental challenge. And, with all that you have achieved over the last 17 years, I am confident you will pass this milestone as well.

Already, you are an example to all nations of what can be accomplished after disaster strikes. Nothing can bring back what that this nation has sacrificed. Grief wanes, but it never ends.� Yet, we also know that the living must do credit to the lost, by building the future they should have been here to help build.� A nation, just like a people, can overcome.� Rwanda is proof.

Nearly half of Rwandans today were born after the genocide ended.� The generation that came through the genocide is passing on a country much more rich with possibility, healthier, better educated, and at peace.� I am grateful to witness your extraordinary progress.� And, I am proud to affirm that the United States will continue to stand with you, in friendship and partnership, as you take Rwanda to the next level of development and democracy.

Thank you.� And now let me take some questions.

“Straight Talk Africa on November 16, 2011 – VOA’s “Straight
Talk Africa” studio guest, Dr. Katrina Lantos Swett, President of the Tom Lantos Human Rights and Justice joins host Shaka Ssali to share her thoughts on how Rwandan activist Paul Rusesabagina deserves the prestigious human rights prize named after her father, U.S. Congressman Tom Lantos.

"Straight Talk Africa" on November 16, 2011 – VOA’s "Straight Talk Africa" Host, Shaka Ssali discuss the significance of the Tom Lantos Foundation on Human Rights as they honored Paul Rusesabagina for the 2011 award for providing refuge to over 1200 Rwandans during the 1994 genocide.

Excerpt from Paul Ndiho (VOA News) reporting:

I spoke to Paul Rusesabagina and he said that he fears for his life because of threats for Paul Kagame’s government. Rusesabagina and Kagame don’t have kind words for each other. And they challenge each other’s actions during the genocide.
Rusesabagina:

“…he (Kagame) thought that Rwanda has one person, and only one, who is supposed to be called a hero… He has made each and everyone understand that he was the saviour of the Rwandan nation. He had stopped the genocide. This was his message.”

In 2006, Paul Kagame in a VOA press conference played down Rusesabagina’s heroism. Kagame said that Rusesabagina’s story of saving hundreds of people is misleading.
Kagame:

“…he (Rusesabagina) claims to have saved people in Hotel Mille Collines. And… one he had no possibility of saving them in the first place. Secondary the people who were there, including our prime minister in the Government of Rwanda, who was also there, including the lady here Senator Odette, she was there. In fact she is the only one who can say maybe she was saved by Rusesabagina on the basis that they knew each other.”

Paul Rusesabagina dubbed by some the Oskar Schindler of Africa questions Paul Kagame’s claims that he stopped genocidal killings in Rwanda.
Oskar Schindler was a German industrialist who outweeded Hitler and the nazis to save more than 1200 Jews from gas chambers by employing them to work for him in his factories during World War II.

Rusesabagina:

“My main question is this. Is kagame a part of the genocide solution or the genocide problem. Kagame has been a part of the genocide problem.”

…
Paul Ndiho, VOA News.

The Rwandan national carrier, RwandAir, is planning to start its passenger flights from Kigali to Lagos, Nigeria in December. Rwandair will fly to Lagos with a Boeing 737 and the point of entry in Nigeria is expected to be the Murtala Muhammed International Airport (MMIA).

The RwandAir Chief Operating Officer, Patrick Nkulikiyimfura and the Ambassador of Rwanda in Nigeria, Mr. Joseph Habineza held a meeting with the Director General of the Nigeria Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA) to define the feasibility of this route.

According to a statement issued by the NCAA, Nigerian authorities have started the necessary scrutiny of the airline to ensure that the Rwandair can effectively and safely operate the new route. The out come of that scrutiny exercise, will determine whether or not this operation can go ahead as planned.

Join us for a day to remember at Oxford House, E2 6HG, London.

Your are invited to join us in an event in which we will remember family, friends and relatives that were killed in refugee camps in Eastern Congo from October 1996.

During this event we will hear testimonies from survivors of those killings as well as views and advice from various experts such as human rights advocates, humanitarians, governance experts and lawyers.

They will speak to us on issues related to human rights, peace, justice and�reconciliation.

MEMORIAL EVENT

When:

Saturday, 26 November 2011.

Time:

2:00pm – 5:00pm.

Where:

Oxford House,
Derbyshire Street,
Bethnal Green, London E2 6HG

Speakers:

Survivors testimonies: Experiences of former Rwandan refugees in Congo.

Hubert Sauper: Film-maker and director of awards winning ‘‘KISANGANI DAILY’‘ film.

Paul Rusesabagina: Humanitarian.

Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha MP: Advisor to the President of Sri Lanka on Reconciliation.

Tano Mylvaganam: International criminal lawyer barrister.

Mackie Sheik: Consultant and former deputy mayor of Soutwark in London.

Dr Theogene Rudasingwa: Former Rwandan ambassador to USA.

Prof. Peter Erlinder: Law professor and international criminal defence attorney.

Claude Gatebuke: Genocide survivor and human rights advocate.

Joseph Oladosu. Pan-africanist and Human Rights Advocate.

For more information:

Send an email to: [email protected]

by Dr. Nkiko Nsengimana.

RWANDA: THE DUTCH GOVERNMENT�S ASSISTANCE TO THE TOTARITARIAN REGIME IN KIGALI IS SURPRISING

What is the Dutch government�s role alongside the regime of General Paul Kagame in the judicial circus against the political leader Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza?

The Coordinating Committee of FDU Inkingi has just learned with surprise that the Dutch government has handed over to the Rwandan government disputed documents against Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, FDU-Inkingi Chair, who is in prison for political reasons in Rwanda since October 14, 2010. It is important to recall that Madame Ingabire Umuhoza returned to Rwanda in January 2010 to register her political party and to run for presidential elections in August of that year. By sending these documents in rather obscure circumstances, the Dutch Government confirmed its complicity in a kangaroo process turned into a tool of oppression against the democratic opposition. The Rwandan national public prosecution authority confirmed that they have already received a bunch of 600 pages, whereas the ruling by the Court of Rotterdam on 23 October 2011 mentioned only three documents of less than twenty pages. From where did come more than 580 additional pages, while the Dutch police has already returned nearly all the documents taken from the residential home of Madame Ingabire during their search?

For more than five years, the Dutch government is providing more than ten million euros to support the restructuring of the justice sector and the Rwanda national police. These structures and others that are funded by the Netherlands have been exploited by the regime in order to hod on to power by silencing any opposition. The Dutch government justified its action by its confidence in the Rwandan judiciary, which it has been helping to polish.

Since the opening of the political trial of Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, the defense counsel filed a motion on the non-retroactivity of the criminal law in Rwanda and on the lack of jurisdiction�ratione materiae and�ratione loci of the High Court. The defence submissions to strike out more than 75% of the evidence was rejected by the ruling of High Court on 13 October 2011. No appeal was possible until the final decision on the case.

Besides the fact that Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza is pleading not guilty, almost all the facts in the dossier which the Prosecutor suggests amounts to the criminal evidence occurred outside the territory of Rwanda. Beyond the lack of the terrirorial jurisdiction of the high court, the non-retroactvity of the criminal law is another question. Most of the allegations did not constitute crimes under the laws in force the time they occured.

The High Court ordered defense lawyers to submit in advance their questions of cross-examination to the prosecutor�s witnesses so that they could prepare them before any public hearing. This gave them enough time to harmonise their statements to the prosecutor�s submissions.

The FDU-INKINGI Coordinating Committee believes that these violations constitute enough grounds because of their extreme gravity, for the Dutch government to call into question all the judicial cooperation with Rwanda. Otherwise this gives an impression of siding too closely with a judicial circus that is disrespectful of equity and thus protecting a dictatorship ignoring the rule of law. It is unfortunate that the Dutch taxpayers� funds continue to be used to fund a dictatorship. Time will come when the history will question the part of the Dutch government towards the current dictatorship in Rwanda. We acknowledge the presence of some Dutch diplomats in the court room in Rwanda following the trial of Madame Victoire Ingabire, but we still strongly believe that the Dutch public needs first hand information from an independent pluridisciplinary body, assessing the unfairness of this kangaroo process.

Could it be that the Dutch government is not aware that all opponents against the Kigali regime currently in prison (Charles Ntakirutinka, Deo Mushayidi, Bernard Ntaganda, Theoneste Niyitegeka) were convicted of charges that are similar to those brought forth against Madame Ingabire: collaboration with a terrorist organization, threatening the state security, divisionism, genocide ideology, genocide denial? Could it be that the Dutch government is not aware that most political dissents and journalists critical of the Kagame regime are either assassinated (i.e. Seth Sendashonga, Andr� Kagwa Rwisereka, Jean Leonard Rugambage), either in prison (i.e. female-journalists Mukakibibi and Uwimana Nkusi, or political leaders mentioned above), or either in exile (almost all the leaders of the Rwandan opposition)?

It is now legitimate for FDU Inkingi to challenge the interests such a democratic state may be pursuing on the side of a totalitarian regime instead of promoting democratic values for mutual and sustainable interests for the people of both Rwanda and the Netherlands.

For these reasons, we ask the Dutch government:

• To acknowledge that the political trial of Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza has lost any guarantee for fairness and impartiality;
• To cease all judicial cooperation in the flowed case of Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza and in any other legal case related to the Rwandan judicial system;
• To request an immediate and unconditional release of Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza and other political prisoners;
• To pay more attention to the plight of Rwandan Democrats and to the opening of political space.

Done in Lausanne, November 16, 2011

For the FDU-INKINGI Coordinating Committee
Dr. Nkiko Nsengimana, Coordinator.

Rwanda: former mayor guilty of genocide and crimes against humanity

Arusha, November 17, 2011 – The ICTR delivered its sentence in the case of Gregoire Ndahimana.

“The chamber � found Ndahimana guilty of genocide and extermination by aiding and abetting as well as by virtue of his command responsibility over communal police in Kivumu,” the UN International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda said in a statement.

Ndahimana, 59, had pleaded not guilty to all charges. He was sentenced to 15 years in jail after the tribunal dismissed an additional charge of complicity in genocide.

He was mayor of Kivumu when, in April 2004, when the Nyange church was bulldozed and 2,000 Tutsis who had been seeking refuge there were killed.

The court said the scale of the operation that led to the destruction of Nyange church and the murder of thousands of Tutsis reflected a broad co-ordination by local and religious authorities.

“Though this did in no way exonerate the accused, it did, however, suggest that his participation through aiding and abetting may have resulted from duress rather than from extremism or ethnic hatred,” the court said.

Kigali, Rwanda – November 17, 2011 – Rwanda will import lions and rhinos from South Africa next year after its own wildlife was decimated by poaching and conflict, a wildlife official Wednesday.

Rwanda has only one rhino in its Akagera park, while lions disappeared when refugees returning home after the 1994 genocide occupied parts of the park.

“We have began fencing the park. The work will be finished in February 2012 and after that the reintroduction of these species will be one of priorities,” tourism director Ricah Rwigamba said, without specifying how many animals will be imported.

Highly endangered mountain gorillas are currently Rwanda’s main tourist attraction and are concentrated in the Virunga massif that straddles the border between Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda.
[Sapa-AFP]

16 November 2011 – Reporters Without Borders condemns the arrests of three journalists in the space of a week in Kigali. Two were released yesterday morning but the third one is still detained.

“This series of arrests has again highlighted the extreme vulnerability of journalists in Rwanda,” Reporters Without Borders said. “We call on the authorities to publicly explain why these journalists have been held, and to release the third one immediately. We also urge the government to move forward with its proposed reform of the press law, which hopefully will protect journalists from arbitrary arrest and detention.

“Ironically, these three arrests took place just as the Third Annual National Dialogue on Media was about to begin in Kigali. Organized by the Media High Council, this two-day conference is supposed to promote an environment that favours press freedom and allows the media to operate in a free, independent and professional manner.”

The latest journalist to be arrested was Joseph Bideri, the editor of the New Times, a privately-owned daily that supports the ruling party. He was arrested by the Kigali police on 14 November and was freed yesterday morning.

A recent series of articles in the newspaper described a case of embezzlement in the construction of the Rukarara hydro-electric dam in the west of the country. A report about Bideri’s arrest was posted on the New Times website yesterday morning and was then quickly removed.

Jean Gualbert Burasa, the editor of the independent bimonthly Rushyashya, was arrested by the Kigali police on 11 November. According to the police, he was arrested for driving under the influence of alcohol. But his arrest may have been prompted by the publication of an article about the desecration of former social affairs minister Christine Nyatanyi’s grave. The journalist was freed on 15 November.

The third journalist is Ren� Anth�re Rwanyange, who has also been held since last week. The police say he was arrested for the theft of a laptop computer but he has not yet been charged.